Joseph Goebbels was born into a strict Catholic,
working-class family from Rheydt, in the Rhineland, on
29 October 1897.
He was educated at a Roman Catholic school and went on
to study history and literature at the University of
Goebbels was exempted from military service during
World War I because of a crippled foot - the result of
contracting polio as a child.
He joined the NSDAP in 1922.
In 1925 he was made business manager of the NSDAP in
the Ruhr district and at the end of the year was
already the principal ally of Gregor Strasser, leader
of the social-revolutionary North German wing of the
In 1928 Joseph Goebbels was elected to the Reichstag.
Goebbels became the party's Primary Propaganda Leader.
Joseph Goebbels was appointed as Minister for Public
Enlightenment and Propaganda. He produced hundreds of
essay's and speeches.
Joseph Goebbels describes one of his first meetings
Adolf Hitler in his diary: "Shakes my hand. Like an
And those big blue eyes. Like stars. He is glad to see
I am in heaven. That man has everything to be king."
Josef and Magda Goebbels were married in 1931,
with Hitler as a witness at their wedding. The
produced six children within eight years, one boy and
by Joseph Goebbels
It is a happy accident that my first speech since
taking charge of the Ministry for Propaganda and
People's Enlightenment is to German women. Although I
agree with Treitschke that men make history, I do not
forget that women raise boys to manhood. You know that
the National Socialist movement is the only party that
keeps women out of daily politics. This arouses bitter
criticism and hostility, all of it very unjustified.
We have kept women out of the parliamentary-democratic
intrigues of the past fourteen years in Germany not
because we do not respect them, but because we respect
them too much. We do not see the woman as inferior,
but rather as having a different mission, a different
value, than that of the man. Therefore we believed
that the German woman, who more than any other in the
world is a woman in the best sense of the word, should
use her strength and abilities in other areas than the
The woman has always been not only the man's sexual
companion, but also his fellow worker. Long ago, she
did heavy labor with the man in the field. She moved
with him into the cities, entering the offices and
factories, doing her share of the work for which she
was best suited. She did this with all her abilities,
her loyalty, her selfless devotion, her readiness to
The woman in public life today is no different than
the women of the past. No one who understands the
modern age would have the crazy idea of driving women
from public life, from work, profession, and bread
winning. But it must also be said that those things
that belong to the man must remain his. That includes
politics and the military. That is not to disparage
women, only a recognition of how she can best use her
talents and abilities.
Looking back over the past year's of Germany's
decline, we come to the frightening, nearly terrifying
conclusion, that the less German men were willing to
act as men in public life, the more women succumbed to
the temptation to fill the role of the man. The
feminization of men always leads to the
masculinization of women. An age in which all great
idea of virtue, of steadfastness, of hardness and
determination have been forgotten should not be
surprised that the man gradually loses his leading
role in life and politics and government to the woman.
It may be unpopular to say this to an audience of
women, but it must be said, because it is true and
because it will help make clear our attitude toward
The modern age, with all its vast revolutionary
transformations in government, politics, economics and
social relations has not left women and their role in
public life untouched. Things we thought impossible
several years or decades ago are now everyday reality.
Some good, noble, and commendable things have
happened. But also things that are contemptible and
humiliating. These revolutionary transformations have
largely taken from women their proper tasks. Their
eyes were set in directions that were not appropriate
for them. The result was a distorted public view of
German womanhood that had nothing to do with former
A fundamental change is necessary. At the risk of
sounding reactionary and outdated, let me say this
clearly: The first, best, and most suitable place for
the women is in the family, and her most glorious duty
is to give children to her people and nation, children
who can continue the line of generations and who
guarantee the immortality of the nation. The woman is
the teacher of the youth, and therefore the builder of
the foundation of the future. If the family is the
nation's source of strength, the woman is its core and
center. The best place for the woman to serve her
people is in her marriage, in the family, in
motherhood. This is her highest mission. That does not
mean that those women who are employed or who have no
children have no role in the motherhood of the German
people. They use their strength, their abilities,
their sense of responsibility for the nation, in other
ways. We are convinced, however, that the first task
of a socially reformed nation must be to again give
the woman the possibility to fulfill her real task,
her mission in the family and as a mother.
The national revolutionary government is everything
but reactionary. It does not want to stop the pace of
our rapidly moving age. It has no intention of lagging
behind the times. It wants to be the flag bearer and
pathfinder of the future. We know the demands of the
modern age. But that does not stop us from seeing that
every age has its roots in motherhood, that there is
nothing of greater importance than the living mother
of a family who gives the state children.
German women have been transformed in recent years.
They are beginning to see that they are not happier as
a result of being given more rights but fewer duties.
They now realize that the right to be elected to
public office at the expense of the right to life,
motherhood, and her daily bread is not a good trade.
A characteristic of the modern era is a rapidly
declining birthrate in our big cities. In 1900 two
million babies were born in Germany. Now the number
has fallen to one million. This drastic decline is
most evident in the national capital. In the last
fourteen years, Berlin's birthrate has become the
lowest of any European city. By 1955, without
emigration, it will have only about three million
inhabitants. The government is determined to halt this
decline of the family and the resulting impoverishment
of our blood. There must be a fundamental change. The
liberal attitude toward the family and the child is
responsible for Germany's rapid decline. We today must
begin worrying about an aging population. In 1900
there were seven children for each elderly person,
today it is only four. If current trends continue, by
1988 the ratio will be 1 : 1. These statistics say it
all. They are the best proof that if Germany continues
along its current path, it will end in an abyss with
breathtaking speed. We can almost determine the decade
when Germany collapses because of depopulation.
We are not willing to stand aside and watch the
collapse of our national life and the destruction of
the blood we have inherited. The national
revolutionary government has the duty to rebuilt the
nation on its original foundations, to transform the
life and work of the woman so that it once again best
serves the national good. It intends to eliminate the
social inequalities so that once again the life of our
people and the future of our people and the
immortality of our blood is assured.
I welcome this exhibition, whose goal is to explain
and teach, and to reduce or eliminate harm to the
individual and the whole people. This serves the
nation and popular enlightenment, and to support it is
one of the happiest duties of the new government.
Perhaps this exhibition titled "The Woman" will
represent a turning point. If the goal of the
exhibition is to give an impression of women in
contemporary society, it does so at a time when German
society is undergoing the greatest changes in
generations. I am aware of how difficult this is. I
know the obstacles that had to be overcome to give
this exhibition a clear theme and a firm structure. It
should show the significance of the woman for the
family, the people, and the whole nation. Displays
will give an impression of the actual life of women
today, and will provide the knowledge necessary to
resolve today's conflicting opinions, which were not
primarily the result of the contemporary women's
But that is not all. The main purpose of the
exhibition "The Woman" is not only to show the way
things are, but to make proposals for improvement. It
aims to show new ways and new opportunities. Clear and
often drastic examples will give thousands of German
women reason to think and consider. It is particularly
pleasing to us men in the new government that families
with many children are given particular attention,
since we want to rescue the nation from decline. The
importance of the family cannot be overestimated,
especially in families without fathers that depend
entirely upon the mother. In these families the woman
has sole responsibility for the children, and she must
realize the responsibility she has to her people and
We do not believe that the German people is destined
by fate to decline. We have blind confidence that
Germany still has a great mission in the world. We
have faith that we are not at the end of our history,
but rather that a new, great and honorable period of
our history is now beginning. This faith give us the
strength to work and not despair. It enabled us to
make great sacrifices over the past fourteen years. It
gave millions of German women the strength to hope in
Germany and its future, and to let their sons join in
the reawakening of the nation. This faith was with the
brave women who lost their husbands and breadwinners
in the war, with those who gave their sons in the
battle to renew their people. This faith kept us
standing during the need and desperation of the past
fourteen years. And this faith today fills us with new
hope that Germany will again find its place in the
Nothing makes one harder and more determined than
struggle. Nothing gives more courage than to face
resistance. During the years when Germany seemed
destined to decline, a new kind of womanhood developed
under the confused veneer of modern civilization. It
is hard, determined, courageous, willing to sacrifice.
During the four years of the great war and the
fourteen years of German collapse that followed,
German women and mothers proved themselves worthy
companions of their men. They have borne all the
bitterness, all the privation and danger, and did not
fail when hit by misfortune, worry and trouble. As
long as a nation has such a proud and noble womanhood,
it cannot perish. These women are the foundation of
our race, of its blood and of its future.
This is the beginning of a new German womanhood. If
the nation once again has mothers who proudly and
freely choose motherhood, it cannot perish. If the
woman is healthy, the people will be healthy. Woe to
the nation that neglects its women and mothers. It
We hope that the concept of the German woman will
again earn the honor and respect of the entire world.
The German woman will then take her pride in her land
and her people, in thinking German and feeling German.
The honor of her nation and her race will be most
important to her. Only a nation that does not forget
its honor will be able to guarantee its daily bread.
The German woman should never forget that.
I declare this exhibition open. May it reveal all the
former errors and show the way to the future.
Then the world will once again respect us, and we will
be able to affirm the words of Walther von der
Vogelweide, who had this to say about the German woman
in his famous poem:
He who seeks
Virtue and proper love,
Should come to our land.
There is much joy.
Long may I live there.
by Joseph Goebbels
The German people is an enslaved people. Under
international law, it is lower than the last Negro
colony in the Congo. One has taken all sovereign
rights from us. We are just good enough that
international capital allows us to fill its money
sacks with interest payments. That and only that is
the result of a centuries-long history of heroism.
Have we deserved it? No, and no again!
Therefore we demand that a struggle against this
condition of shame and misery begin, and that the men
in whose hands we put our fate must use every means to
break the chains of slavery.
Three million people lack work and sustenance. The
officials, it is true, work to conceal the misery.
They speak of measures and silver linings. Things are
getting steadily better for them, and steadily worse
for us. The illusion of freedom, peace and prosperity
that we were promised when we wanted to take our fate
in our own hands is vanishing. Only complete collapse
of our people can follow from these irresponsible
Thus we demand the right of work and a decent living
for every working German.
While the front soldier was fighting in the trenches
to defend his Fatherland, some Eastern Jewish
profiteer robbed him of hearth and home. The Jew lives
in the palaces and the proletarian, the front soldier,
lives in holes that do not deserve to be called
"homes." That is neither necessary nor unavoidable,
rather an injustice that cries out to the heavens. A
government that stands by and does nothing is useless
and must vanish, the sooner the better.
Therefore we demand homes for German soldiers and
workers. If there is not enough money to build them,
drive the foreigners out so that Germans can live on
Our people is growing, others diminishing. It will
mean the end of our history if a cowardly and lazy
policy takes from us the posterity that will one day
be called to fulfill our historical mission.
Therefore we demand land on which to grow the grain
that will feed our children.
While we dreamed and chased strange and unreachable
fantasies, others stole our property. Today some say
this was an act of God. Not so. Money was transferred
from the pockets of the poor to the pockets of the
rich. That is cheating, shameless, vile cheating!
A government presides over this misery that in the
interests of peace and order one cannot really
discuss. We leave it to others to judge whether it
represents Germany's interests or those of our
We however demand a government of national labor,
statesmen who are men and whose aim is the creation of
a German state.
These days anyone has the right to speak in Germany -
the Jew, the Frenchman, the Englishman, the League of
Nations, the conscience of the world and the Devil
knows who else. Everyone but the German worker. He has
to shut up and work. Every four years he elects a new
set of torturers, and everything stays the same. That
is unjust and treasonous. We need tolerate it no
longer. We have the right to demand that only Germans
who build this state may speak, those whose fate is
bound to the fate of their fatherland.
Therefore we demand the annihilation of the system of
exploitation! Up with the German worker's state!
Germany for the Germans!
by Joseph Goebbels
Following the celebration of the ten year anniversary
of the Russian Revolution, three young Berlin
communists from the Köpernick district committed
suicide after they had taken a touching farewell from
their comrades. They explained calmly that they had
lost faith in the future of the Internationale.
It is said of Ernst Thälmann, the communist leader,
that during the Hamburg uprising he laid stone drunk
in his own vomit. In Berlin-Wedding a few weeks ago,
Ruth Fischer spoke at a meeting of the KPD opposition,
calling for a fight against the Third Internationale.
When a representative of the KPD began to speak he was
shouted down by his former comrades and thrown out the
door. The affair ended in a general melee.
The tenth anniversary of the Russian Revolution was
recently celebrated in Moscow. As the honored guests
from the entire world who had gathered to praise
Moscow's principles watched, the opposition to the
workers' and peasants' state stormed the gathering and
took over the university. The end of the story: twelve
leading Bolshevists, nearly all Jews of the old guard,
were expelled form the Communist Party.
What does this all mean?
Things are becoming clear all over. The smoke of
rhetoric is vanishing, and all that remains is a
miserable remnant of fantasies that absolutely no one
confuses with reality. The German proletariat is one
hope poorer, perhaps its last one. Marx's game is
over. Nature is in charge once again, and it has made
the eternal laws pitilessly and unmistakably clear:
the laws of personality, struggle and race.
Did things have to turn out this way?
Yes, a thousand times yes.
There was no other possible outcome. We have it
prophesied a hundred times. If the Jews speak, the
people must beware. The Jew is rootless, a ferment of
decomposition. Whether he lives as a capitalist or a
Bolshevist, his nature remains the same: Ahasver, the
eternal destroyer. His gospel is chaos, and where he
succeeds in fomenting revolution, he rises to the top.
He brought the worker's movement to its present
deplorable state: a mixture of phrases, cowardice,
terror and class hatred. What does the cause of the
proletariat have to do with pacifism, protection of
the republic, the elimination of personality and the
destruction of national dignity and honor? Where is it
written that utopias, wishes, programs and books rule
the world instead of strength and the facts? Why do
you demonstrate here for the national freedom of the
oppressed colonial peoples, yet forget that Germany is
a province of high finance? Why shout "China for the
Chinese," yet stand by in cowardice as the Jews sell
Germany piece by piece and turn it over to the world
dictatorship? You cry "Reaction" when one speaks of a
lost fatherland. You smell treason when one names
things by their right names. You retreat stubbornly
and silently to your own troubles, and find that
nothing remains but desperation and suicide.
Do not say that the First, Second or Third
Internationale is responsible! Found a new one, a
Fourth! It will betray you just as its three
The Internationale itself is in error. It is thought
out, not lived. The Jew preaches it to you because it
is his last chance to hold power. It has destroyed
nations and peoples. It sets citizen against citizen,
destroys and poisons the community, sows mistrust
between the peoples. Above it all is the triumphant
mocking laughter of your enemy, of our enemy: The
You stand over hecatombs of corpses. The scent of
blood surrounds you. Children beg, mothers weep,
nations perish! What have you gained: Nothing but
chaos, hopeless, hunger and desperation!
It that the way you want things to remain?
Stand up and demand a Germany that belongs to you, one
that is free of the chains of the oppressor. This is
the historic mission of the German working class.
Freedom and prosperity!
This is the war cry against the rotting world of
Away with the empty rhetoric! Risk looking cold
reality in the face.
Hold out your hand, German working men! The day of
freedom is coming, if only you want it!
Adolf Hitler is showing you the way!
by Joseph Goebbels
Everything is discussed openly in Germany, and every
German claims the right to have an opinion on any and
all questions. One is Catholic, the other Protestant,
one an employee, the other an employer, a capitalist,
a socialist, a democrat, an aristocrat. There is
nothing dishonorable about choosing one side or the
other of a question. Discussions happen in public, and
where matters are unclear or confused one settles it
by argument and counter argument. But there is one
problem that is not discussed publicly, one that it is
delicate even to mention: the Jewish question. It is
taboo in our republic.
The Jew is immunized against all dangers: one may call
him a scoundrel, parasite, swindler, profiteer, it all
runs off him like water off a raincoat. But call him a
Jew and you will be astonished at how he recoils, how
injured he is, how he suddenly shrinks back: "I've
been found out."
One cannot defend himself against the Jew. He attacks
with lightning speed from his position of safety and
uses his abilities to crush any attempt at defense.
Quickly he turns the attacker's charges back on him,
and the attacker becomes the liar, the troublemaker,
the terrorist. Nothing could be more mistaken than to
defend oneself. That is just what the Jew wants. He
can invent a new lie every day for the enemy to
respond to, and the result is that the enemy spends so
much time defending himself that he has no time to do
what the Jew really fears: to attack. The accused has
become the accuser, and loudly he shoves the accuser
into the dock. So it always was in the past when a
person or a movement fought the Jew. That is what
would happen to us as well were we not fully aware of
his nature, and if we lacked the courage to draw the
following radical conclusions:
1. One cannot fight the Jew by positive means. He is a
negative, and this negative must be erased from the
German system, or he will forever corrupt it.
2. One cannot discuss the Jewish question with the
Jews. One can hardly prove to a person that one has
the duty to render him harmless.
3. One cannot allow the Jew the same means one would
give an honest opponent, for he is no honorable
opponent. He will use generosity and nobility only to
trap his enemy.
4. The Jew has nothing to say about German questions.
He is a foreigner, an alien, who only enjoys the
rights of a guest, rights that he always abuses.
5. The so-called religious morality of the Jews is no
morality at all, rather an encouragement to betrayal.
Therefore, they have no claim to protection from the
6. The Jew is not smarter than we are, rather only
cleverer and craftier. His system cannot be defeated
economically - he follows entirely different moral
principles than we do. It can only be broken through
7. A Jew cannot insult a German. Jewish slanders are
but badges of honor for a German opponent of the Jews.
8. The more a German person or a German movement
opposes the Jew, the more valuable it is. If someone
is attacked by the Jews, that is a sure sign of his
virtue. He who is not persecuted by the Jews, or who
is praised by them, is useless and dangerous.
9. The Jew evaluates German questions from the Jewish
standpoint. As a result, the opposite of what he says
must be true.
10. One must either affirm or reject anti-Semitism. He
who defends the Jews harms his own people. One can
only be a Jewish lackey or a Jewish opponent. Opposing
the Jews is a matter of personal hygiene.
These principles give the anti-Jewish movement a
chance of success. Only such a movement will be taken
seriously by the Jews, only such a movement will be
feared by them.
The fact that he shouts and complains about such a
movement therefore is only a sign that it is right. We
are therefore delighted that we are constantly
attacked in the Jewish gazettes. They may shout about
terror. We answer with Mussolini's familiar words:
"Terror? Never! It is social hygiene. We take these
individuals out of circulation just as a doctor does
to a bacterium.
by Joseph Goebbels
A leader must possess character, will, ability, and
luck. If these four characteristics form a harmonious
unity in a brilliant person, we have a man called by
Character is the most significant factor. Knowledge,
book learning, experience and practice do more harm
than good if they are not based on strong character.
Character brings them to their best expression. It
requires courage, endurance, energy, and consistency.
Courage gives a person not only the ability to
recognize what is right, but also to say and do it.
Endurance gives him the ability to pursue the chosen
goal, even if apparently impossible obstacles stand in
the way, and to proclaim it even if it is unpopular,
even if it makes him unpopular. Energy mobilizes the
strength to risk everything for the goal and the
persistence to keep at it. Consistency gives his eye
and mind the sharpness of knowledge and logic in
thought and action that gives truly great people the
ability to reach the eternally wavering masses. These
manly virtues together comprise that which we call
character. Character, in short, is style and behavior
in the highest form.
Will raises character from the individualistic to the
universal. Will makes the man of character into a
political man. Any man of significance wants
something, and indeed is ready to use every means to
attain his end. The will distinguishes the man who
acts from the man who merely thinks. It is the
intermediary between knowledge and action. It is much
more important for us to want that which is right than
it is simply to know what is right. This is
particularly true in politics. What good is it for me
to know the enemy if I do not have the will to destroy
him! Many know why Germany has collapsed, but few have
the will to end its misfortunes. What distinguishes he
who is called to leadership from all the rest is this:
He not only has the will to want, but also the want to
But in politics it is also important not only what one
wants, but what one accomplishes. This leads us to the
third characteristic of the able political person:
ability. Progress requires accomplishment. Leadership
means to want something, and to be able to show the
way to realize what one wants. History judges by what
has been done. We Germans need to realize that.
Politics is a public affair, and one cannot apply the
laws of private matters to public matters. We Germans
often tend to confuse the desire for something with
the ability to do it, and to forgive the incompetent
who says that he wanted good and proper things. "We
have not brought about socialism," say the November
Marxists, "but at least we wanted to." That is
irrelevant, just as we do not care if someone wants to
play the violin. He must be able in fact to do so. He
who wants to rescue a people must above all have the
Character, will and ability, the three prerequisites
to leadership, show themselves in capable people. They
are either there, or they are not there. The fourth
characteristic binds the other three together: luck.
The leader must have luck. He must have a blessed
hand. One must be able to see that all his actions
stand under the protection of a higher power. A leader
can lack everything save luck. That is irreplaceable.
The masses do not oppose leaders. They do
instinctively oppose usurpers who claim power without
having the necessary will and ability. The leader is
hardly an enemy of the masses. He shuns only the cheap
tricks of mass flattery that feed the people with
phrases rather than bread.
The leader must be able to do everything. That does
not mean that he understands all the details, but he
must know the basics. There are other helpful people
who can keep the wheels of politics spinning.
The art of organization is one of the most important
factors in the capabilities of political leaders.
Organization means rightly assigning work and
responsibility. The leader is the master in the
clockwork of an intricate political machine.
Today we celebrate Adolf Hitler's 40th birthday. We
believe that fate has called him to show the German
people the way. We greet him with honor and devotion,
and wish only that he be preserved for us until his
work is finished.
Raise High the
by Joseph Goebbels
It was late in the evening and I was enjoying the rare
pleasure of reading a good book. I was relaxed and at
ease. The telephone rang. I picked up the phone with
trepidation. It is worse than I expected. "Horst
Wessel has been shot." Trembling with fear, I asked:
"Dead?" "No, but there is no hope." I felt as if the
walls were collapsing around me. It was unbelievable.
It cannot be!
A few days later. I step into the small hospital room
on the ground floor and am shocked by the sight. A
bullet in the head has done terrible damage to this
heroic lad. His face is distorted. I hardly recognize
him. But he is happy. His clear, bright eyes shine,
though we cannot talk for long. The doctor has ordered
him to keep calm. He only repeats a few words: "I am
happy." He does not need to say it. One sees it by
looking at him. His young, bright smile overcomes the
blood and wounds. He still believes.
I sat by his bed on a Sunday afternoon as streams of
visitors came until evening. One can hope. He is
improving. The fever has dropped, the wounds healed.
He sat up part way and talked. What about? A foolish
question! About us, about the movement, about his
comrades. They stood outside his door today, and one
after the other came by and raised his arm to salute
the young leader for a moment. "I could not bear it
I look at his hands, which are now small and white.
His strong nose stands out in the middle of his face,
and two bright eyes sparkle. But the fever is back? He
cannot eat, his strength gradually declines, though
his spirit remains fresh and alert. He is not allowed
to read. He may only talk. It is hard to obey the
warning look of the nurse. Will I ever see him again?
Who knows! If blood poisoning does not develop,
everything will be OK.
A lonely mother sits outside. He face reflects a
question. "Will he make it?" One can one say but yes?
I try to persuade myself and others.
Blood poisoning develops. By Thursday, there is little
hope. He wants to talk with me.
The doctor gives me a minute. How hard it is to walk
past the death watch into the room! He does not know
how serious his condition is. But he senses it may be
the last time: "Do not go away!", he begs. The nurse
relents, and he is comforted. "Do not lose hope. The
fever comes and goes. The movement too has suffered in
the last two years, but today it is hard and strong."
That consoles him. Come back!," his eyes, his hands,
his hot dry lips, say, as I leave with a heavy heart.
I fear I have seen him for the last time.
Saturday morning. It is hopeless. The doctor is no
longer allowing visits. He is hallucinating. He does
not even recognize his own mother any longer.
It is 6:30 Sunday morning. He dies after a hard
struggle. As I stand by his bed two hours later, I can
not believe that it is Horst Wessel. His face is
yellow, the wounds still covered with white band aids.
Stubble shows on his chin. The half-open eyes stare
glassily into the eternity that we all face. The small
cold hands lie in the midst of flowers, while and red
tulips and violets.
Host Wessel has passed on. His mortal remains have
given up struggle and conflict. Yet I can feel almost
physically his spirit rise, to live on with us. He
believed it, he knew it. He himself put it in words:
He "marches in spirit in our ranks."
One day in a German Germany, workers and students will
march together singing his song. He will be with them.
He wrote it in a moment of ecstasy, of inspiration.
The song flowed from him, born of life and bearing
witness to that life. The brown soldiers are singing
it across the country. In ten years, children will
sing it in the schools, workers in the factories,
soldiers on the march. His song makes him immortal.
That is how he lived, that is how he died. A wanderer
between two worlds, between yesterday and tomorrow,
between that which was and that which will be. A
soldier of the German revolution! Once he stood with
his hand on his belt, proud and upright, with the
smile of youth on his red lips, always ready to risk
his life. That is how we will remember him.
I see endless columns marching in spirit. A humiliated
people rises up and begins to move. An awakening
Germany demands its rights: Freedom and prosperity!
He marches behind them in spirit. Many of them will
not know him. Many will have gone where he now is.
Many others will have come.
He strides silently and knowingly with them. The
banners wave, the trumpets sound, the pipes sound, and
from a million threats the song of the German
"Raise high the flag!" [This was the opening line to
the "Horst Wessel Song," a poem he had written that
became the Nazi party anthem.]
We are Voting for
by Joseph Goebbels
Adolf Hitler's goal is the union of all Germans. He
experienced our people's need not in books, rather as
a person born Austrian whose entire earlier life was
filled with the longing for a Greater German Reich.
Adolf Hitler will give this longing, which today fills
100 million Germans, political reality.
Hitler, the Great German
Adolf Hitler's goal is to solve the social and labor
questions. His knowledge of social need does not come
from hearsay. For many years in Vienna and Munich, he
had to earn his little daily bread as a simple
construction worker. There he came to know the people
and the working lass, sharing in their hard lot and
their need. He therefore has the right to defend the
German working class, wherever it may be.
Hitler, the Führer
Adolf Hitler, the born mass leader, has as his goal to
unify the German people and forge from them
unprecedented strength. He works toward this goal not
by words and empty phrases, rather by founding the
National Socialist German Workers Party, which shows
He began in 1919 with six comrades from the front and
labor; in 1923, his movement was crushed as it reached
for power. Adolf Hitler spent more than a year in
prison, founding his old party anew in 1925.
Through hard, exhausting and sacrificial struggle he
lead the mocked and scorned little sect to the most
impressive mass movement in Europe.
Hitler, the Prophet
In the National Socialist movement, the farmer stands
beside the worker, the prince beside the worker, the
student next to the front soldier. Millions and
millions have joined together under the idea of the
German people's community. They want no differences of
occupation or class. They have sworn allegiance to the
German people and its historic mission.
Amidst all the desperate babble of the post-war
period, a new political faith came to life. It is
based in flowing, sacrificial idealism, without
thereby falling prey to some romantic idol. The
National Socialist movement is firmly rooted on earth,
but its goals reach boldly for the stars.
Millions and millions of National Socialists have
found in National Socialism new meaning and purpose
for their lives. They thank Adolf Hitler and his
saving idea that they have not fallen into
hopelessness and anarchy,
Hitler, the Fighter
A man who has the strength and gifts to build a
movement of millions from a small sect of seven men, a
movement that today already encompasses the largest
and best part of the whole German people, will also
find a way to unify the entire nation, freeing it from
the terrible political, worldview and social
contradictions that tear apart and wound our people.
The System [the Nazi term for the Weimar Republic] has
had 13 years to prove that it does not even recognize
the problem, much less solve it. Its policies have
divided the people into two classes. The economy is in
anarchy, the finances are in a desperate state, and
millions and millions of German workers, farmers and
the middle class are the victims of this fateful
course. Countless people have despaired of the future
of the German people and have fallen into
But the greater part of the nation has a new will to
resist. It wants the German people to rise from blind
resignation to a new ideal.
That is Adolf Hitler's work! The masses see in him
their last hope. For millions, his name has become the
bright symbol of the German will for freedom.
We want to put Germany's future in the hands of this
man. He shows us the way. We are ready to follow him.
A new German will to life is rising from shame and
disgrace, from collapse and anarchy, and we are its
Hitler, the Reich President
He who wishes that everything should stay as it is in
Germany gives himself over to despair. We do not mind
if he casts his vote for the representatives of this
system. But we want everything in Germany to change.
He who opposes class struggle and fraternal murder,
who is looking for the way out of chaos and confusion,
this man will vote for Adolf Hitler! He represents an
awakening young German idealism, he is the spokesman
for national activism, he is the bearer of the coming
economic and social renewal. That is why we cry: Give
Adolf Hitler power so that the German people once
again receive what is its due. For freedom and bread!
by Joseph Goebbels
Why Are We Nationalists?
We are nationalists because we see the nation as the
only way to bring all the forces of the nation
together to preserve and improve our existence and the
conditions under which we live.
The nation is the organic union of a people to protect
its life. To be national is to affirm this union in
word and deed. To be national has nothing to do with a
form of government or a symbol. It is an affirmation
of things,not forms. Forms can change, their content
remains. If form and content agree, then the
nationalist affirms both. If they conflict, the
nationalist fights for the content and against the
form. One may not put the symbol above the content. If
that happens, the battle is on the wrong field and
one's strength is lost in formalism. The real aim of
nationalism, the nation, is lost.
That is how things are today in Germany. Nationalism
has turned into bourgeois patriotism and its defenders
are battling windmills. One says Germany and means the
monarchy. Another proclaims freedom and means
Black-White-Red [the colors of the German flag]. Would
our situation today be any different if we replaced
the republic with a monarchy and flew the
black-white-red flag? The colony would have different
wallpaper, but its nature, its content would stay the
same. Indeed, things would be even worse, for a facade
that conceals the facts dissipates the forces today
fighting against slavery.
Explanation: A tied-up Nazi watches while a Jew
reading the Berliner Tageblatt, which the Nazis
accused of being a Jewish paper, mistreats a Germany
chained to the Treaty of Versailles. The Jew is
probably supposed to be a journalist, since he is
smearing Gemany with his pen. A Black French colonial
soldier and another figure (either a policeman or a
Polish soldier) assist.
Bourgeois patriotism is the privilege of a class. It
is the real reason for its decline. When 30 million
are for something and 30 million are against it,
things balance out and nothing happens. That is how
things are with us. We are the world's Pariah not
because we do not have the courage to resist, but
rather because out entire national energy is wasted in
eternal and unproductive squabbling between the right
and the left. Our way only goes downward, and today
one can already predict when we will fall into the
Nationalism is more wide-reaching than
internationalism. It sees things as they are. Only he
who respects himself can respect others. If as a
German nationalist I affirm Germany, how can I hold it
against a French nationalist who affirms France? Only
when these affirmations conflict in vital ways will
there be a power-political struggle. Internationalism
cannot undo this reality. Its attempts at proof fail
completely. And even when the facts seem to have some
validity, nature, blood, the will to life, and the
struggle for existence on this hard earth prove the
falsity of fine theories.
The sin of bourgeois patriotism was to confound a
certain economic form with the national. It connected
two things that are entirely different. Forms of the
economy, however firm they may seem, are changeable.
The national is eternal. If I mix the eternal and the
temporal, the eternal will necessarily collapse when
the temporal collapses. This was the real cause for
the collapse of liberal society. It was rooted not in
the eternal, but in the temporal, and when the
temporal declined it took the eternal down with it.
Today it is only an excuse for a system that brings
growing economic misery. That is the only reason why
international Jewry organizes the battle of the
proletarian forces against both powers, the economy
and the nation, and defeat them.
From this understanding, the young nationalism draws
its absolute demand. The faith in the nation is a
matter for everyone, never a group, a class or an
economic clique. The eternal must be distinguished
from the temporal. Maintaining a rotten economic
system has nothing to do with nationalism, which is an
affirmation of the Fatherland. I can love Germany and
hate capitalism. Not only can I, I must. Only the
annihilation of a system of exploitation carries with
it the core of the rebirth of our people.
We are nationalists because as Germans, we love
Germany. Because we love Germany, we want to preserve
it and fight against those who would destroy it. If a
Communist shouts "Down with nationalism!", he means
the hypocritical bourgeois patriotism that sees the
economy only as a system of slavery. If we make clear
to the man of the left that nationalism and
capitalism, that is the affirmation of the Fatherland
and the misuse of its resources, have nothing to do
with each other, indeed that they go together like
fire and water, then even as a socialist he will come
to affirm the nation, which he will want to conquer.
That is our real task as National Socialists. We were
the first to recognize the connections, and the first
to begin the struggle. Because we are socialists we
have felt the deepest blessings of the nation, and
because we are nationalists we want to promote
socialist justice in a new Germany.
A young fatherland will rise when the socialist front
Socialism will become reality when the Fatherland is
Why Are We Socialists?
We are socialists because we see in socialism, that is
the union of all citizens, the only chance to maintain
our racial inheritance and to regain our political
freedom and renew our German state.
Socialism is the doctrine of liberation for the
working class. It promotes the rise of the fourth
class and its incorporation in the political organism
of our Fatherland, and is inextricably bound to
breaking the present slavery and regaining German
freedom. Socialism, therefore, is not merely a matter
of the oppressed class, but a matter for everyone, for
freeing the German people from slavery is the goal of
contemporary policy. Socialism gains its true form
only through a total fighting brotherhood with the
forward-striving energies of a newly awakened
nationalism. Without nationalism it is nothing, a
phantom, a mere theory, a castle in the sky, a book.
With it it is everything, the future, freedom, the
The sin of liberal thinking was to overlook
socialism's nation-building strengths, thereby
allowing its energies to go in anti-national
directions. The sin of Marxism was to degrade
socialism into a question of wages and the stomach,
putting it in conflict with the state and its national
existence. An understanding of both these facts leads
us to a new sense of socialism, which sees its nature
as nationalistic, state-building, liberating and
The bourgeois is about to leave the historical stage.
In its place will come the class of productive
workers, the working class, that has been up until
today oppressed. It is beginning to fulfill its
political mission. It is involved in a hard and bitter
struggle for political power as it seeks to become
part of the national organism. The battle began in the
economic realm; it will finish in the political. It is
not merely a matter of wages, not only a matter of the
number of hours worked in a day - though we may never
forget that these are an essential, perhaps even the
most significant part of the socialist platform - but
it is much more a matter of incorporating a powerful
and responsible class in the state, perhaps even to
make it the dominant force in the future politics of
the fatherland. The bourgeoisie does not want to
recognize the strength of the working class. Marxism
has forced it into a straitjacket that will ruin it.
While the working class gradually disintegrates in the
Marxist front, bleeding itself dry, the bourgeoisie
and Marxism have agreed on the general lines of
capitalism, and see their task now to protect and
defend it in various ways, often concealed.
We are socialists because we see the social question
as a matter of necessity and justice for the very
existence of a state for our people, not a question of
cheap pity or insulting sentimentality. The worker has
a claim to a living standard that corresponds to what
he produces. We have no intention of begging for that
right. Incorporating him in the state organism is not
only a critical matter for him, but for the whole
nation. The question is larger than the eight-hour
day. It is a matter of forming a new state
consciousness that includes every productive citizen.
Since the political powers of the day are neither
willing nor able to create such a situation, socialism
must be fought for. It is a fighting slogan both
inwardly and outwardly. It is aimed domestically at
the bourgeois parties and Marxism at the same time,
because both are sworn enemies of the coming workers'
state. It is directed abroad at all powers that
threaten our national existence and thereby the
possibility of the coming socialist national state.
Explanation: "The thinking worker comes to Hitler,"
the caption says. A communist and a socialist are
accusing each other of betraying the working class.
Socialism is possible only in a state that is united
domestically and free internationally. The bourgeoisie
and Marxism are responsible for failing to reach both
goals, domestic unity and international freedom. No
matter how national and social these two forces
present themselves, they are the sworn enemies of a
socialist national state.
We must therefore break both groups politically. The
lines of German socialism are sharp, and our path is
We are against the political bourgeoisie, and for
We are against Marxism, but for true socialism!
We are for the first German national state of a
We are for the National Socialist German Workers
Why a Workers' Party?
Work is not mankind's curse, but his blessing. A man
becomes a man through labor. It elevates him, makes
him great and aware, raises him above all other
creatures. It is in the deepest sense creative,
productive, and culture-producing. Without labor, no
food. Without food, no life.
The idea that the dirtier one's hands get, the more
degrading the work, is a Jewish, not a German, idea.
As in every other area, the German first asks how,
then what. It is less a question of the position I
fill, and more a question of how well I do the duty
that God has given me.
We call ourselves a workers' party because we want to
rescue the word work from its current definition and
give it back its original meaning. Anyone who creates
value is a creator, that is, a worker. We refuse to
distinguish kinds of work. Our only standard is
whether the work serves the whole, or at least does
not harm it, or if it is harmful. Work is service. If
it works against the general welfare, then it is
treason against the fatherland.
Marxist nonsense claimed to free labor, yet it
degraded the work of its members and saw it as a curse
and disgrace. It can hardly be our goal to abolish
labor, but rather to give new meaning and content. The
worker in a capitalist state - and that is his deepest
misfortune - is no longer a living human being, a
creator, a maker.
He has become a machine. A number, a cog in the
machine without sense or understanding. He is
alienated from what he produces. Labor is for him only
a way to survive, not a path to higher blessings, not
a joy, not something in which to take pride, or
satisfaction, or encouragement, or a way to build
We are a workers' party because we see in the coming
battle between finance and labor the beginning and the
end of the structure of the twentieth century. We are
on the side of labor and against finance. Money is the
measuring rod of liberalism, work and accomplishment
that of the socialist state. The liberal asks: What
are you? The socialist asks: Who are you? Worlds lie
We do not want to make everyone the same. Nor do we
want levels in the population, high and low, above and
below. The aristocracy of the coming state will be
determined not by possessions or money, but only on
the quality of one's accomplishments. One earns merit
through service. Men are distinguished by the results
of their labor. That is the sure sign of the character
and value of a person. The value of labor under
socialism will be determined by its value to the
state, to the whole community. Labor means creating
value, not haggling over things. The soldier is a
worker when he bears the sword to protect the national
economy. The statesman also is a worker when he gives
the nation a form and a will that help it to produce
what it needs for life and freedom.
A furrowed brow is as much a sign of labor as a
powerful fist. A white collar worker should not be
ashamed to claim with pride that of which the manual
laborer boasts: labor. The relations between these two
groups determine their mutual fate. Neither can
survive without the other, for both are members of an
organism that they must together maintain if they are
to defend and expand their right to exist.
We call ourselves a workers' party because we want to
free labor from the chains of capitalism and Marxism.
In battling for Germany's future, we freely admit to
it, and accept the odium from the liberal bourgeoisie
that results. We know that we will succeed in bringing
new blessings out of their curses.
God gave the nations territory to grow grain. The seed
becomes grain and the grain becomes bread. The
middleman of it all is labor.
He who despises labor but accepts its benefits is a
That is the deepest meaning of our movement: it gives
things back their original significance, unconcerned
that today they may be in danger of sinking into the
swamp of a collapsing worldview.
He who creates value works, and is a worker. A
movement that wants to free labor is a workers' party.
Therefore we National Socialists call ourselves a
When our victorious flags fly before us, we sing:
"We are the army of the swastika,
Raise high the red flags!
We want to clear the way to freedom
For German Labor!"
Why Do We Oppose the Jews?
We oppose the Jews because we are defending the
freedom of the German people. The Jew is the cause and
beneficiary of our slavery He has misused the social
misery of the broad masses to deepen the dreadful
split between the right and left of our people, to
divide Germany into two halves thereby concealing the
true reason for the loss of the Great War and
falsifying the nature of the revolution.
Explanation: The caption says "Awakening Germany.
You're through! We see behind all your masks." In the
cartoon, Jews are concealed as a Christian, a German
citizen, a nationalist Jew and an apparently harmless
The Jew has no interest in solving the German
question. He cannot have such an interest. He depends
on it remaining unsolved. If the German people formed
a united community and won back its freedom, there
would be no place any longer for the Jew. His hand is
strongest when a people lives in domestic and
international slavery, not when it is free,
industrious, self-aware and determined. The Jew caused
our problems, and lives from them.
That is why we oppose the Jew as nationalists and as
socialists. He has ruined our race, corrupted our
morals, hollowed out our customs and broken our
strength. We owe it to him that we today are the
Pariah of the world. He was the leper among as long as
we were German. When we forgot our German nature, he
triumphed over us and our future.
The Jew is the plastic demon of decomposition. Where
he finds filth and decay, he surfaces and begins his
butcher's work among the nations. He hides behind a
mask and presents himself as a friend to his victims,
and before they know it he has broken their neck.
The Jew is uncreative. He produces nothing, he only
haggles with products. With rags, clothing, pictures,
jewels, grain, stocks, cures, peoples and states. He
has somehow stolen everything he deals in. When he
attacks a state he is a revolutionary. As soon as he
holds power, he preaches peace and order so that he
can devour his conquests in comfort.
What does anti-Semitism have to do with socialism? I
would put the question this way: What does the Jew
have to do with socialism? Socialism has to do with
labor. When did one ever see him working instead of
plundering, stealing and living from the sweat of
others? As socialists we are opponents of the Jews
because we see in the Hebrews the incarnation of
capitalism, of the misuse of the nation's goods.
What does anti-Semitism have to do with nationalism? I
would put the question this way: What does the Jew
have to do with nationalism? Nationalism has to do
with blood and race. The Jew is the enemy and
destroyer of the purity of blood, the conscious
destroyer of our race. As nationalists we oppose the
Jews because we see the Hebrews as the eternal enemy
of our national honor and of our national freedom.
But the Jew, after all, is also a human being.
Certainly, none of us doubts that. We only doubt that
he is a decent human being. He does not get along with
us. He lives by other laws than we do. The fact that
he is a human being is not sufficient reason for us to
allow him to subject us in inhumane ways. He may be a
human being - but what kind of a human being is he! If
someone slaps your mother in the face, do you say:
"Thank you! He is after all a human being!" That is
not a human being, it is a monster. Yet how much worse
has the Jew done to our mother Germany, and is still
There are also white Jews. True, there are scoundrels
among us, even though they are Germans, who act in
immoral ways against their own racial and blood
comrades. But why do we call them white Jews? You use
the term to describe something inferior and
contemptible. Just as we do. Why do you ask us why we
oppose the Jews when you without knowing it are one
Anti-Semitism is not Christian. That means that it is
Christian to allow the Jews to go on as they are,
stripping the skin from our bodies and mocking us. To
be a Christian means to love one's neighbor as
oneself! My neighbor is my racial and blood brother.
If I love him, I have to hate his enemies. He who
thinks German must despise the Jews. The one requires
Christ himself saw that love did not always work. When
he found the moneychangers in the temple, he did not
say: "Children, love one another!" He took up a whip
and drove them out.
We oppose the Jews because we affirm the German
people. The Jew is our greatest misfortune.
It is not true that we eat Jews for breakfast.
It is true that slowly but surely, he is stealing all
that we have.
Things would be different if we behaved as Germans.
We do not enter parliament to use parliamentary
methods. We know that the fate of peoples is
determined by personalities, never by parliamentary
majorities. The essence of parliamentary democracy is
the majority, which destroys personal responsibility
and glorifies the masses. A few dozen rogues and
crooks run things behind the scenes. Aristocracy
depends on accomplishment, the rule of the most able,
and the subordination of the less capable to the will
of the leadership. Any form of government - no matter
how democratic or aristocratic it may outwardly appear
- rests on compulsion. The difference is only whether
the compulsion is a blessing or a curse for the
What we demand is new, decisive, and radical,
revolutionary in the truest sense of the word. That
has nothing to do with rioting and barricades. It may
be that that happens here or there. But it is not an
inherent part of the process. Revolutions are
spiritual acts. They appear first in people, then in
politics and the economy. New people form new
structures. The transformation we want is first of all
spiritual; that will necessarily change the way things
This revolutionary act is beginning to be visible in
us. The result is a new type of person visible to the
knowing eye: the National Socialist. Consistent with
his spiritual attitude, the National Socialist makes
uncompromising demands in politics. There is no if and
when for him, only an either - or.
The return of German honor. Without honor, one has no
right to life. A nation that has pawned its honor has
pawned its bread. Honor is the foundation of any
people's community. Losing our honor is the true cause
of the loss of our freedom.
In place of a slave colony, we want a restored German
national state. The state is not an end in itself for
us, but rather a means to an end. The true end is the
race, the sum of all the living, creative forces of
the people. The structure that today calls itself the
German republic is not a way to maintain our racial
inheritance. It has become an end in itself with no
real connection to the people and their needs. We want
to abolish the slave colony and replace it with a
people's state in freedom.
Want work and bread for every productive national and
blood comrade. Pay should be according to
accomplishment. That means more pay for German
workers! That will stop the senseless fighting in
which we engage today.
First provide housing and food for the people, then
pay reparations! No democrat, no republican, has the
right to complain about this demand, for it was first
raised by a banner carrier of November Germany [the
Weimar Republic, beginning in November 1918]. We only
want to make the slogan a reality.
Provide essentials first! First we must meet the
critical needs of the people, then we can produce
luxury goods. Provide work for those willing to work!
Give the farmers land! The German foreign policy that
today sells what we have at below-market rates must be
completely transformed and must focus radically on the
German need for space, drawing the necessary
Peace among productive workers! Each should do his
duty for the good of the whole community. The state
then has the responsibility of protecting the
individual, guaranteeing him the fruits of his labor.
The people's community must not be a mere phrase, but
a revolutionary achievement following from the radical
carrying out of the basic life needs of the working
A ruthless battle against corruption! A war against
exploitation, freedom for the workers! The elimination
of all economic-capitalist influences on national
A solution to the Jewish question! We call for the
systematic elimination of foreign racial elements from
public life in every area. There must be a sanitary
separation between Germans and non-Germans on racial
grounds exclusively, not on nationality or even
Down with democratic parliamentarianism! Establish a
parliament based on occupations which determines
production. Policies will be determined by a political
body that earns is place by the laws of strength and
The return of loyalty and faith in economic life. The
complete reversal of the injustice that has robbed
millions of Germans of their possessions.
The right of personality before that of the mob.
Germans always will have preference before foreigners
A battle against the destructive poison of
international Jewish culture! A strengthening of
German forces and German customs. The elimination of
corrupt Semitic principles and racial decay.
The death penalty for crimes against the people! The
gallows for profiteers and usurers!
An uncompromising program implemented by men who will
implement it passionately. No slogans, only living
That is what we demand!
by Joseph Goebbels
My dear fellow party members!
Our theme this evening is hotly disputed. I realize
that my viewpoint is subjective. There is really
little point to discussing propaganda. It is a matter
of practice, not of theory. One cannot determine
theoretically whether one propaganda is better than
another. Rather, that propaganda is good that has the
desired results, and that propaganda is bad that does
not lead to the desired results. It does not matter
how clever it is, for the task of propaganda is not to
be clever, its task is to lead to success. I therefore
avoid theoretical discussions about propaganda, for
there is no point to it. Propaganda shows that it is
good if over a certain period it can win over and fire
up people for an idea. If it fails to do so, it is bad
propaganda. If propaganda wins the people it wanted to
win, it was presumably good, and if not, it was
presumably bad. No one can say that your propaganda is
too crude or low or brutal, or that it is not decent
enough, for those are not the relevant criteria. Its
purpose is not to be decent, or gentle, or weak, or
modest; it is to be successful. That is why I have
intentionally chosen to discuss propaganda along with
a second theme, knowledge. Otherwise, our discussion
this evening would be of little value. We have not
gathered to discuss lovely theories, but rather to
find ways of practically working together to deal with
our everyday challenges.
What is propaganda, and what role does it have in
political life? That is the question of greatest
interest to us. How should propaganda look, and what
is its role in our movement? Is it an end in itself,
or only a means to an end? We must discuss that, but
we can do that only when we begin with the origin of
propaganda itself, namely the idea, then move to the
target of propaganda, namely people.
Ideas in themselves are timeless. They are not tied to
individuals, much less to a people. They rest in a
people, it is true, and affect their attitudes. Ideas,
people say, are in the clouds. When someone comes
along who can put in words what everyone feels in
their hearts, each feels: "Yes! That is what I have
always wanted and hoped for." That is what happens the
first time one hears one of Hitler's major speeches. I
have met people who had attended a Hitler meeting for
the first time, and at the end they said: "This man
put in words everything I have been searching for for
years. For the first time, someone gave form to what I
want." Others are lost in confusion, but suddenly
someone stands up and puts it in words. Goethe's words
become reality: "Lost in silent misery, God gave
someone to express my suffering."
Some kind of idea is at the beginning of every
political movement. It is not necessary to put this
idea in a thick book, nor that it take political form
in a hundred long paragraphs. History proves that the
greatest world movements have always developed when
their leaders knew how to unify their followers under
a short, clear theme. That is clear from the French
Revolution, or Cromwell's movement, or Buddhism,
Islam, or Christianity. Christ's goal was clear and
simple: "Love your neighbor as yourself." He gathered
his followers behind that straightforward statement.
Because this teaching was simple, crisp, clear, and
understandable, enabling the broad masses to stand
behind it, it in the end conquered the world.
One then builds a whole system of thought on such a
brief, crisply formulated idea. The idea does not
remain limited to this single statement, rather it is
applied to every aspect of daily life and becomes the
guide for all human activity - politics, culture, the
economy, every area of human behavior. It becomes a
worldview. We see that in all great revolutionary
movements, which begin with a clear, crisp,
understandable, all-encompassing idea. They spread
more and more and become a mirror of life that
reflects all activities of the peoples, and indeed in
a particular way.
Then one can say that a person has a worldview-not
because he knows a lot or has read a lot-but because
he sees all of life from a certain standpoint, and
measures everything by a certain standard. I am a
Christian when I believe that the meaning of my life
is the heavy responsibility to love my neighbor as
myself. Kant once said: "Act as if the principle of
your life could be the principle for your entire
nation." I am a National Socialist not when I want
this or that from politics, rather when I consider all
aspects of daily life. I must act in all things by
putting the good of the whole above my personal good,
by putting the good of the state above my personal
good. But then I also have the guarantee that such a
state will be able to protect my personal life. I am a
National Socialist when I see everything in politics,
culture or the economy from this standpoint. I
therefore do not evaluate the theater from the
standpoint of whether it is elegant or amusing, rather
I ask: Is it good for my people, is it useful for
them, does it strengthen the community? If so, the
community in turn can benefit, support and strengthen
me. I do not see the economy as some sort of way of
making money, rather I want an economy that will
strengthen the people, make them healthy and powerful.
Then too I can expect that this people will support
and maintain me. If I see things in this way, I see
the economy in National Socialist terms.
If I develop this crisp, clear idea into a system of
thought that includes all human drives, wishes and
actions, I have a worldview.
As an idea develops into a worldview, the goal is the
state. The knowledge does not remain the property of a
certain group, but fights for power. It is not just
the fantasy of a few people among the people, rather
it becomes the idea of the rulers, the circles that
have power. The view does not only preach, but it is
carried out in practice. Then the idea becomes the
worldview of the state. The worldview has become a
government organism when it seizes power and can
influence life not only in theory, but in practical
Now we must consider who is the carrier, the
transmitter, the guardian of such ideas. An idea
always lives in individuals. It seeks an individual to
transmit its great intellectual force. It becomes
alive in a brain, and seeks escape through the mouth.
The idea is preached by individuals, individuals who
will never be satisfied to have the knowledge remain
theirs alone. You know that from experience. When one
knows something one does not keep it hidden like a
buried treasure, rather one seeks to tell others. One
looks for people who should know it. One feels that
everyone else should know to, for one feels alone when
no one else knows. For example, if I see a beautiful
painting in an art gallery, I have the need to tell
others. I meet a good friend and say to him: "I have
found a wonderful picture. I have to show it to you."
The same is true of ideas. If an idea lives in an
individual, he has the urge to tell others. There is
some mysterious force in us that drives us to tell
others. The greater and simpler the idea is, the more
it relates to daily life, the more one has the desire
to tell everyone about it.
If I believe that the nation must be governed by the
principle that the common good comes before the
individual good, I will tell it to those to whom it
applies. As soon as I realize that this principle is
not only of a transcendental nature, but that it
applies to daily life, I have the need to tell it to
those in the economic world. And if I see it applies
to culture as well, I have the need to tell it to
those people involved in cultural activities. The
great masses will never be won simply by such a
sentence; it must cast its shadow over all areas of
You see how an idea spreads and becomes a worldview,
and how the bearer, the individual, reaches out to
form a community, and how an organization, then a
movement grows from the individual. The idea is no
longer buried in the heart and mind of an individual.
Now there are four, five, ten, twenty, thirty, fifty,
eighty, a hundred, and ever more. That is the secret
of ideas; they are like a wildfire that cannot be
restrained. They are like a gas that seeps through
everything. Where an idea finds entry, it enters, and
soon that person is influencing others. The others
cannot stop it. They may believe they can stop the
fire by force. They may even be able to do so for two,
or ten, twenty, or fifty years. But that is not
significant in the larger course of world history. It
is irrelevant if something happens today or tomorrow,
or even years in the future.
It is possible to slow an idea by force for a certain
period of time. In reality, however, that advances the
idea, for force drives out that which is weak. The
elements that do not really belong collapse. Suddenly,
the individual becomes a community, a movement, or if
you prefer, a party.
Each movement begins as a party. That does not mean it
has to follow the methods of parliamentary parties. We
see a party as a part of the people. As an idea
spreads, becoming a worldview that spreads to the
community, the community will want to give the idea
practical form. The party will feel the necessity to
organize. Someone will suddenly have the idea: "You
think the way I think. You are working over there, I
am working here, and we know nothing of each other.
That is absurd. It would be better if we worked
together, if I did my part and you did yours. Would it
not be good if we met every month and talked?" That is
an organization. Gradually, a strong organism
develops, a party ready to fight for its ideals. A
party that does not want that will indeed continue to
preach its ideals, but will never bring them into
A recent example may help. Our movement is often
accused of losing its character as a movement. We are
accused of taking the vast, broad and ever-moving
system of thought of the völkisch movement and forcing
it into a Procrustean bed. We supposedly had to chop
of the legs of the movement that stuck out,
eliminating important parts of the völkisch idea.
National Socialism is only a surrogate for the real
movement, some say. In fact, the völkisch movement ran
aground on this matter. Each declares his own
particular interest central to the völkisch movement,
and accuses anyone who does not share his views as
being a traitor to the cause.
That is the way the völkisch movement was before the
war. If someone had been able to take this great idea
- and the völkisch idea was greater than the Marxist
idea - and develop out of it a tightly disciplined
political organization, then the völkisch idea, not
the Marxist idea, would have won on 9 November .
Marxism won because it had a better understanding of
political conditions, because it had forged the sword
it would later use to conquer the state. If a völkisch
organizer had understood how to form a great movement
- it is a question of life or death for our nation -
the völkisch idea, not Marxism, would have won, It was
a worldview, but it did not understand how to form a
party and how to forge the sharp sword that would have
enabled it to conquer the state.
The state needs a worldview. Christianity also
conquered the state, and in the moment that it
conquered the state it began to carry out practical
political activity. You can with justice claim: "Yes,
but at the moment Christianity took over the state, it
began to cease being Christian." That is the tragedy
of all great ideas. At the moment they enter the realm
of this life of sin, of the all-too-human, they leave
the heavens and lose their romantic magic. They become
something normal. We are not discussing whether or not
one can change the nature of life. Things have gone on
this way for millions of years, and will go on in the
same way for millions more. You will have to ask a
higher power why that is so. At the moment an idea
takes practical form, it loses its angel's wings, its
romantic mystery. If someone had had the courage to
strip the völkisch idea of its romantic mystery, if
one had taken account of the hard facts, it would not
look as romantic today as it does to some dreamers.
But it would have kept millions of German children
from starving. For me, it is more important that a
nation lives than that an idea remains as pure as
possible in the heads of a few dreamers.
You can see that a movement needs an organization if
it is to conquer the state - and it must conquer the
state if it wants to do something of positive and
historic significance. I have often met the kind of
wandering apostle who says: "Well, everything you are
doing is fine, but you really must also take a stand
against foreign words in the German language." And
another comes along who says: "Well, everything you
say is good, but you must have a point in your program
that says alleopathy is dangerous, and you must
support homepathy." If the movement were led by such
apostles, the Jew would end up in charge. The Jew
would find something new every day until nothing was
left. It is not the task of a revolutionary fighting
movement to settle the dispute between alleopathy and
homeopathy, rather its task is to take power.
The movement must have a program such that every
honest fighter can stand behind it. Now, it is
certainly true that the modern German cultural
establishment produces every manner of nonsense. I
know that this nonsense is poisoning the German
national soul. There are those who say: "Something has
to happen. You have to do something. If you want to
fight the movie industry, you must build your own
theater, even if it at first has only the most
primitive equipment. And if you see that the children
are being poisoned by what they read in school, you
must begin to win children's souls and give them the
antidote." My reply is simple: You can spend ten years
giving the antidote to the poison that is produced by
a badly led cultural establishment, but a single
decree from the Ministry of Culture can destroy all
your work. If you had spent that ten years winning
fighters for the movement, the movement would have
conquered the Ministry of Culture! Everything else is
If a movement wins political power, it can do those
positive things it wants to do. Only then does it have
the power to protect its accomplishments. At the
moment a movement or party wins control of the state,
its worldview becomes the state and its party becomes
the nation. The nation is not the 60 million people
who live in it. That is a confused mixture. One says
yea, the other nay. That is not a nation. A nation is
characterized by consciousness. Instinct alone is not
enough. Only when I am aware that I am a member of the
nation, when I am consciously a German, do I belong to
the German people. The Great Elector did not say:
"Think and remember that you are a German." Rather, he
said: "Consider well that you are a German."
Consideration is at the level of consciousness. Such
consciousness belongs to the entire nation. Adolf
Hitler rightly answered the court in Munich in this
way when he was asked: "How could you think of
establishing a dictatorship over 60 million with such
a tiny minority?" His reply: "If an entire nation has
become cowardly, and there are only a thousand left
who want something great, and who have to power to
transform the state, then these thousand people are
the nation." If the others let a minority conquer the
state, then they must also accept the fact that we
will establish a dictatorship.
The same is true of a movement. If a movement has the
strength to take over the state, than it has the power
to transform the state. I am the last to complain that
the Marxists rule us today. As long as we do not have
the strength to overcome them, they have the political
right to rule us. I am surprised how little they use
that right. I would do things differently. That is
their tragic misunderstanding of their own worldview.
I do not complain that the gentlemen of the Berlin
Police use their power against us, only that they call
themselves democrats and claim that they allow freedom
of thought and of speech. That is nonsense. That is
lying hypocrisy, for in truth these gentlemen are
If a movement has the strength to take over government
positions of power, then it has the right to form the
government as it wishes. Anyone who disagrees is a
foolish theoretician. Politics is governed not by
moral principles, but by power. If a movement conquers
the state, it has the right to form the state. You can
see how these three elements combine ideals and
personalities. The idea leads to a worldview, the
worldview to the state, the individual becomes a
party, the party becomes the nation.
The important thing is not to find people who agree
with me about every theoretical jot and tittle, but
rather that I find people who are willing to fight
with me for a worldview. Winning people over to
something that I have recognized as right, that is
what we call propaganda. At first there is knowledge;
it uses propaganda to find the manpower that will
transform knowledge into politics. Propaganda stands
between the idea and the worldview, between the
worldview and the state, between the individual and
the party, between the party and the nation. At the
moment at which I recognize something as important and
begin speaking about it in the streetcar, I begin
making propaganda. At the same moment, I begin looking
for other people to join me. Propaganda stands between
the one and the many, between the idea and the
worldview. Propaganda is nothing other than the
forerunner to organization. Once it has done this, it
is the forerunner to state control. It is always a
means to an end.
Although I must hold unshakably and unalterably to the
idea, propaganda adjusts itself to the prevailing
conditions. Propaganda is always flexible. It says
different things here than it does there. It cannot be
polished, laminated and stuffed; rather it must occupy
the space between the one and the many. I talk
differently on the streetcar with the conductor than I
do with a businessman. If I did not, the businessman
would think I was crazy and the streetcar conductor
would not understand me. That means propaganda cannot
be limited. It changes according to whom I am trying
Let me tell a good story about a party member in
Berlin who since 1919 has promoted the National
Socialist idea. At first, he beat his head bloody
against a wall that we want to avoid. He began by
distributing the wildest anti-Semitic publications on
the street. He knew it was bad stuff, but there was
nothing better, so he read these books or newspapers
in the subway. Everyone could see that he was a
harmless crank, and when he stood up and left his
newspapers behind, someone regularly would say: "Sir,
take your newspaper along with you." He would angrily
take his paper and leave it with the conductor,
saying: "Here, German brother." And the conductor
certainly thought he came from the nuthouse. He
gradually realized that the methods that worked with
friends and comrades do not work with strangers.
In other words, there is no ABC of propaganda. One can
make propaganda, or one cannot. Propaganda is an art.
Any reasonably normal person can learn to play the
violin to a certain degree, but then his teacher will
say: "This is as far as it goes. Only a genius can
learn what remains. You are not a genius, so be
content with what you have learned." I can certainly
teach any reasonable person the absolute basics of
propaganda. But I will soon recognize the limits. One
is either a propagandist, or one is not. It is wrong
to look down on a propagandist. There are people who
say a propagandist is merely a good drummer. This
displays a certain envy and lack of ability. They are
mostly mediocre philosophers whom the masses ignore.
You have seen often enough - no one can deny it - that
our movement has good speakers. Since our opponents do
not have good speakers, they say: "Well, they are only
good drummers." Hitler was called the "Drummer of
National Unity" for five years.
When they realized that this drummer had ideas that
didn't fit into their way of thinking, he was suddenly
a "crazy politician" who had to be dealt with. It is
foolish to look down on propagandists. The
propagandist has a certain role within the party. It
is good for our young movement that we are young and
lacking in really great leaders - though naturally not
in comparison to other parties. The great leaders we
have cannot stick to a particular area, but must be
able to do everything. They must be propagandists,
organizers, speakers, writers, etc. They must be able
to get along with people, find money, write articles,
and a lot more. That is why it is wrong to say that
Hitler is merely a drummer. That is what is great
about him, and what separates him from everyone else.
He is a politician, and also a propagandist, while the
leaders of other parties understand neither politics
nor propaganda. You can see how propaganda relates to
the worldview and to the organization. After we have
finished the hard work of moving the idea and the
worldview from the individuals to the masses,
propaganda has the task of taking the knowledge of the
mass and enabling it to take over the state.
Let me give an example.
What good would it do if everything we know to be
right stayed in our few heads! The few would doubt the
rightness of the idea, since they would see that no
one was joining them. And if we did not have the
people - from the lowliest S.A. man who distributes
newspapers to the best speaker, or the leader of the
party, all our lovely knowledge would be useless, for
only we would know it. The others would continue their
nonsense, and the German people in the end would
Propaganda is absolutely necessary, even if it is only
a means to an end. Otherwise, the idea could never
take over the state. I must be able to get what I
think important across to many people. The task of a
gifted propagandist is to take that which many have
thought and put it in a way that reaches everyone from
the educated to the common man. You will all grant me
this, and as further evidence I can recall a Hitler
speech in Jena. Half the audience were Marxists, half
students and university professors. I had a burning
desire to speak with both elements afterwards. I could
see that the university professor and the average man
had understood what Hitler said. That is the greatness
of our movement, that it can use language to reach the
Of course, the style will vary according to the
speaker. It would be a big mistake to expect everyone
to treat the idea in the same way, for as great as it
is, so different are the individuals who are to be
reached by it. You will surely hear some people say
that they like one speaker, while others prefer
another. It would be a mistake to try to make the
soft-spoken speaker into a thundering orator, or a
thundering orator into a soft-spoken chap. Neither
would accomplish anything. The soft-spoken speaker
would never reach the heart no matter how hard he
tried, nor would the thundering orator succeed in
speaking quietly. Everyone would go home dissatisfied.
The bigger our movement gets, the more kinds of people
it can house, and each will reflect the movement a
little differently. No two things in God's world are
alike. Everything is a little different. Thus one
person reflects things differently than another.
As propaganda draws an ever-growing following to the
idea, the idea broadens, becomes more flexible. It no
longer stays in a few heads, but wants to include
everything. At that moment it becomes a comprehensive
program. We can happily see that that is the case in
our movement. You will never find millions of people
willing to die for a book. But millions of people are
willing to die for a gospel, and our movement is
becoming more and more a gospel. All that we have come
to know in our individual lives is joining to form a
great faith that lives unshakably in our hearts. Each
of us is willing, if necessary, to give his all for
it. No one is willing to die for the 8-hour day.
But people are willing to die so that Germany will
belong to the Germans. What Adolf Hitler prophesied in
1919 is becoming clearer every day: "Freedom and
Prosperity!" The movement is increasingly freeing
itself from the all too human, and becoming a powerful
force. The time is coming when people will not ask us
what we think about the 8-hour day; but rather when
Germany is seized with desperation they will ask: "Can
you give us back faith?" If a movement has brought the
idea from the individual to a worldview, building in
the end a clear gospel for which each is ready to die,
that movement is near victory. That does not happen in
the study, but rather in battle, in bitter battle each
day with the enemy, bringing him to see how he has led
the nation down the wrong path. I must say that I
learn the most from reading the "Berliner Tageblatt"
[A newspaper hostile to the Nazis]. That is a fine
example of the Jews at work. From the Jewish
standpoint, I've never noted a single mistake, whereas
the nationalist papers make mistakes all the time.
I now want to outline the essential characteristics of
propaganda. We have already agreed that propaganda is
not an end in itself, but a means to an end. Its task
is to spread the knowledge of National Socialism to
the people, or to a part of the people. If propaganda
does that, it is good; if not, it is bad. The German
Nationalists claimed that Hitler's propaganda before 9
November 1923 was too loud, too noisy, too popular.
Hitler replied: "Munich must become National
Socialist. If I achieve that my propaganda will have
been good. If I had wanted to make you happy, it would
have been bad. But that was not my intention." You
cannot evaluate propaganda in midcourse, but rather
you have to wait until it reaches its maker's goal.
You cannot say that our propaganda was wrong because
the government banned it. That is false. Under Jewish
police officials, our propaganda would be wrong if it
were not banned, for that means it would be harmless,
The fact that it is banned is the best evidence that
we are dangerous. If the ban is lifted, do not come to
me and say that the Jew has seen the error of his
ways. It will be lifted when the Jew sees that it is
not achieving his purpose. You can say what you want.
The Jew will put away his dagger only when he sees
that it is better not to use it against a propaganda
method, or when he sees that the dagger has already
done its duty.
Success is the important thing. Propaganda is not a
matter for average minds, but rather a matter for
practitioners. It is not supposed to be lovely or
theoretically correct. I do not care if I give
wonderful, aesthetically elegant speeches, or speak so
that women cry. The point of a political speech is to
persuade people of what we think right. I speak
differently in the provinces than I do in Berlin, and
when I speak in Bayreuth, I say different things than
I say in the Pharus Hall [A meeting hall the Nazis
often used in Berlin]. That is a matter of practice,
not of theory.We do not want to be a movement of a few
straw brains, but rather a movement that can conquer
the broad masses. Propaganda should be popular, not
intellectually pleasing. It is not the task of
propaganda to discover intellectual truths. I find
them by thinking, or at my desk, anywhere but in a
That is where I transmit them. I do not enter the
meeting hall to discover intellectual truths, but to
persuade others of what I think to be right. I learn
methods there that I can use to reach others with what
I have found to be right. The speaker or propagandist
must first understand the idea. He cannot do that in
the middle of making propaganda. He must start with
it. Through daily contact with the masses, he learns
how to communicate that idea. It is not the task of
propaganda to discover knowledge, but to transmit
knowledge. It must adjust to those it wishes to reach
with that knowledge. The propagandist's speeches or
posters that are aimed at farmers will be different
than those aimed at employers; those aimed at doctors
will be different than those aimed at patients. He
will adjust his propaganda to fit those he is speaking
to. You can see that all the critical standards used
by other parties to evaluate propaganda miss the
point, and that most complaints about the NSDAP's
propaganda result from a false understanding of
propaganda. If someone tells me: "Your propaganda has
no civilized standards," I know there is no point in
even talking with him.
It makes no difference if propaganda is at a high
level. The question is whether it reached its goal. My
first goal when I came to Berlin was to make the city
aware of us. They could love us or hate us, as long as
they knew who we were. We have reached that goal. We
are hated and loved. When someone hears the term
National Socialist, he does not ask: "What is that?"
Once we have reached the first goal, we can work on
turning hate to love and love to hate, but never to
indifference. The battle against indifference is the
hardest battle. There may be two million people in
this city who hate my guts, who persecute and slander
me, but I know that I can win over some of them. We
know that from experience. Some of those who
persecuted us and fought most bitterly against us are
today our most determined supporters. You see that the
important thing for propaganda is that it reach its
goal, and that it is a mistake to apply critical
standards that are irrelevant.
Let me give another example. If someone asks me what I
think of another person, it is silly for me to say: "I
like him, but he cannot play the piano." The answer
will be: "So what? He is a corporate lawyer. Why don't
you see if he is good at what he does?" That is a good
answer. And it applies just as well to propaganda.
Our propaganda follows a clear line. Adolf Hitler once
told me that it is not necessary to give a
programmatic speech to a public meeting. The public
meeting requires the most primitive approach. If the
fine gentlemen say: "You are only a propagandist," the
answer is this: "Was Christ any different? Did he not
make propaganda? Did he write books, or did he preach?
Was Mohammed any different? Did he write learned
essays, or did he go to the people and say what he
wanted to say? Were not Buddha and Zarathustra
propagandists?" True, the philosophers of the French
Revolution built their intellectual foundations.
But who got things moving? Robespierre, Danton, and
the others. Did these men write books, or did they
speak in popular meetings? Look around today. Is
Mussolini more an author or a great speaker? When
Lenin took the train from Zurich to Petersburg, did he
repair to his study and write a book, or did he speak
to thousands? Fascism and Bolshevism were built by
great speakers, by masters of the spoken word! There
is no difference between the politician and the
speaker. History proves that great politicians were
always great speakers: Napoleon, Caesar, Alexander,
Mussolini, Lenin, name whomever you want. They were
all great speakers and great organizers. If a person
combines rhetorical talent, organizational ability,
and philosophical ability, if he has the ability to
transmit knowledge and to gather people under his
banner, then he is a brilliant statesman.
If someone tells me today: "You are a demagogue," I
answer him in this way: "Demagogy in the good sense is
simply the ability to get the masses to understand
what I want them to understand." Of course, I can
adjust to the feelings of the broad masses, which is
demagogy in the bad sense. Then I change not only the
form of what I want to say, but also the content.
You cannot tell me that things have changed. Formerly,
speakers built movements; today we live in the age of
the press, and it is the writers who are influential.
This theory is obviously false. Of course the press is
important. But if you examine well-written editorials,
they turn out to be speeches in disguise. The Marxists
did not win through their editorials, but rather
because each Marxist editorial was a little propaganda
speech. They were written by agitators. They sat in
their offices or in smoke-filled bars, writing not
elegant, intellectual and polished essays, but rather
brutal, direct words that the average man understood.
That is why the masses devoured the Red press. We must
learn from their example. Marxism did not win because
it had great prophets - they had none. Marxism won
because its nonsense was promoted by agitators of the
ability of August Bebel and Lenin.
They led Marxism to victory. If the völkisch movement
had had such agitators at its disposal, its stronger
intellectual foundations would surely have led it to
victory. Some critics complain: "All you do is
criticize! You only complain. You can't do things any
better yourselves!" Others say that "the Angriff
[Goebbels' newspaper in Berlin] is entirely negative.
Say something positive for a change." Well, I am not
in a position to say anything positive about Isidor
Weiss [the Jewish Vice Chief of Police in Berlin, and
a regular Goebbels target]. I can only be negative.
And there is nothing positive I can say about the
Republic. There is nothing positive about it. I can
say something positive only when I eliminate the
negative. The most brilliant statesman on earth could
do nothing with this Republic. And Marxism preached
only the negative for sixty years.
The result was that it took over the state on 9
November 1918. Hitler once said: "Keep those
know-it-alls who always want to do something positive
away from me." We can do something positive only when
we have first gotten rid of the negative. A leader
does not emerge from a conference table. He develops
from the masses, and the more a true leader rises from
the masses, the more he draws the masses to him. The
mass is the weak, cowardly, lazy majority of people.
One can never entirely win the broad mass. The best
elements from the mass must be put in a form where
they can be victorious. That is the task of a
brilliant mind. We thank fate that it has given us one
of these minds, a mind superior to all others, whom we
willingly serve. That is the proof that we will win.
If others find their wisdom in majority rule, but a
movement is led by one person, that movement will win.
When it wins is irrelevant. It will win because that
is the way things are. Look around as much as you
want. You will everywhere see our movement's
The task of the leaders and followers is to drive this
knowledge ever deeper into the hearts of our shattered
nation. Each must make that clear, each must think
things through. Everything we do must be clear. We
will never give up. If everything is clear, one does
not have to be an outstanding speaker. If he can say
it all in a few words, he is a propagandist. If we
have an army of such propagandists, from the littlest
to the Führer himself, and if each spreads our
crystal-clear knowledge to the masses, the day will
come which our worldview takes over the state, when
our organization seizes the reins of power, when we
are no longer members of a slave colony, but citizens
of a political state that we ourselves have formed.
That is our task on this planet: to create the
foundation on which our people can live. When we do
that, this nation will create works of culture that
will endure for eons in world history!
Goebbels' Speech at the1927 Nuremberg Rally
Dr. Goebbels spoke on the party's propaganda. He began
by referring to his speech at the previous party rally
in Weimar in which he discussed various propaganda
opportunities. Today he wanted to lay out principles
and show how propaganda cam be transformed into a
political organization. The idea becomes a worldview
on its way to governmental power.
Ideas find people to spread them. The more an idea
spreads and reaches all areas of life, the more it
becomes a worldview. If an organization becomes the
bearer of a worldview, its ultimate goal is the
government, which is the bearer of the whole nation.
Propaganda reaches its goal if its worldview takes
practical form by gaining control of the state. In the
beginning is the idea, which is taken up by propaganda
and transformed into an organization that seeks to win
the state. The task of propaganda is to spread
knowledge. The speaker mentioned the notorious word
"drummer," which "they" in their goodness and mercy
apply to us. The essential characteristic of
propaganda is effectiveness. The best propaganda is
that which is most effective.
It is good if I persuade three million people to
believe in a political theory, but it is even better
if those three million are ready to give their lives
for the idea. But revolutions have never been made by
millions, but rather only by small minorities.
Propaganda does not need to be intellectual; it must
be effective. It should express our worldview in a way
that can be understood by the masses. The völkisch
idea has existed for 50 years. I will grant that it
was stronger 50 years ago than it is today. But one
must remember that on 9 November 1918 it was not this
idea, but another, that triumphed. If the völkisch
movement then had understood power and how to bring
thousands out on the streets, it would have gained
political power on 9 November 1918.
The völkisch movement today is accused of simplifying
its idea, even of being indecent. A corrupted nation
of 60 million suffering slavery will not be freed by
"high class" and "decency." The complaints about the
National Socialist movement come from bourgeois
anxiety. People in the bourgeois camp ask if we are
not really Bolshevists. The speaker suggested such
brilliant writers express their national doctrines to
a thousand communists in a working class meeting. He
thought that they quickly would not know whether or
not they themselves were communists (laughter). A
political meeting is no polite gathering. The speaker
must make his knowledge understandable to the people
before him. If the good citizen is used to being
spoken to in a "high class" way, then one must tickle
his fancies by being "high class" (laughter). Most
parties today do not know how to speak to the workers.
With the German people today in a desperate situation,
one cannot use "white-gloved" methods to reach them.
There are two kinds of propaganda, one aimed at the
understanding, the other the feelings. Both depend on
imponderables. Worldview movements aim for the
feelings. The force behind worldview movements has
never been understanding, but rather faith. For
example: Christ never wrote a party program, but did
preach the Sermon on the Mount. In it he laid the
foundations of a new world, summarized in the simple
phrase "Love your neighbor as yourself." Rousseau's
words were the foundation of the French Revolution,
but if an agitator had not stood at his side his
theory would have slumbered on the bookshelves.
Marx's "Capital" is the foundation of the Marxist
movement. It would have remained book learning had not
thousands of agitators made it a political force.
Bebel and Lenin gave this philosophy political power,
not Marx. Mussolini is both the philosopher and
agitator of Fascist thinking. He is also the statesman
who found in the March on Rome the right action while
he was chewing on his pen behind his desk. When
someone asked him about his theory of the state, he
answered that he had developed it while being asked!
When one wants to condemn a speaker who has found a
way to connect with the masses, one calls him a
Marxism had two important intellectual fathers: Marx
and Engels. The Marxist movement is founded on their
work. Bebel and Lenin brought Marxism to the masses.
Marxism never attempted to alleviate the misery of its
followers, but rather to use their misery to build the
political power that eventually gave it political
success. National Socialism must do the same. The
leader stands at the head of the broad masses, but
without them he is nothing. Each needs the other. The
individual is effective when supported by the
political will of the masses, the masses are effective
when they are captivated by the energy of the leader.
Propaganda is good if it is successful, if it reaches
the group of people for which it is intended.
The goal of our propaganda is control of the
government. We want to replace the organization with a
state founded on the idea.
Question and World Propaganda
by Joseph Goebbels
The National Socialist Revolution is a typical German
product. Its scale and historical significance can
only be compared with other great events in human
history. It would be false and misleading to compare
this revolution to other transformations in recent
European history. True, it shares their impulses,
their energy and perhaps even their methods, with some
exceptions. But its foundations, causes and therefore
results are entirely different. It could not have
happened without the war and the November Revolt, at
least in its speed and power.
The Versailles treaty of non-peace stood in its way.
Need, unemployment, desperation and decay accompanied
it through all its ups and downs. The overrefined
democratic parliamentarianism, which today seems
almost grotesque, found its last and highest
expression. It provided the stage on which National
Socialism rose to power. We told our opposition often
enough that although we were using its weapons and
rules for our purposes, we had nothing intellectually
or politically in common with them. To the contrary,
our goal was use these means to put and end to them
and their methods, to finally eliminate their theories
and policies. Both in theory and practice, National
Socialism opposes liberalism.
Just as liberalism after the French Revolution had
various effects on every nation and people, depending
on their nature and character, the same is true today
for the forces that oppose it. German democracy was
always a particular playground of European liberalism.
Its innate tendency towards excessive individualism
was foreign to us, which lost it any connection to
real political life after the war. It had nothing to
do with the people. It represented not the totality of
the nation, but turned into a perpetual war between
interests that gradually destroyed the national and
social foundations of our people's existence.
National Socialism was able to overcome this condition
of continual spiritual, economic, and political crises
only because the German people themselves regained
their composure, and found a political idea and
organization that corresponded to the character of the
German nation. Nation Socialism is a completely German
phenomenon. It can only be understood in the framework
of German conditions and forces. Like Mussolini once
said about Fascism, "it is not for export."
Nonetheless, we see the National Socialist revolution
as an event that affects the entire world. Besides,
the solution of the German Question cannot be without
consequences for the future constellation of Europe.
It is a warning for the entire liberal world that
Germany has replaced democracy by an authoritarian
system, that liberalism broke under the blows of the
national uprising, that parliamentarianism and the
party system are outdated concepts for us.
The past three years have proven that the strength of
a new idea is stronger than the resources of an
outdated worldview, even when it defends itself with
the instruments of state. A new kind of authority has
been established in every area of public life in
The insane belief in equality that found its crassest
expression in political parties is no more. The
principle of personality has replaced the notion of
popular idiocy. A united German nation was born,
despite all the labor pains. It is not surprising that
those who benefited from parliamentarianism struck
their tents when they saw that National Socialism was
firmly established. They decided to take up their
activity beyond our borders. That does not mean they
have given up on Germany. They believe their hour may
not be near, but that it will eventually come.
They do all they can to cause the Reich domestic and
international difficulties. These pacifists from head
to toe do not even hesitate to urge bloody war against
Germany in the foreign papers that are not yet wise
enough to refuse them space.
One cannot make sense of this situation without
understanding the significance of the racial or Jewish
The National Socialist government also cannot ignore
it. Our laws suffer hard and often unjustified
criticism abroad, above all from International Jewry
itself. But one should not forget that dealing with
the Jewish Question through legal means was the best
approach. Or should the government have followed the
principles of democracy and majority rule and let the
people themselves solve the problem?
History has never had a revolution less bloody, more
disciplined and more orderly than ours. In attempting
to deal with the Jewish question and to approach the
matter legally for the first time in Europe's history,
we are only following the spirit of the age. Defending
against the Jewish danger is only part of our plan.
When it becomes the only issue when National Socialism
is discussed, that is Jewry's fault, not ours. It has
attempted to mobilize the world against us, in the
secret hope of winning back the territory it has lost.
This hope is not only in vain, it also carries with it
a series of dangers and difficulties for Jewry itself.
It cannot prevent arguments throughout the world not
only against our policies, but also for them. The
discussing has taken on an extent that both in the
immediate and distant future could have
extraordinarily unpleasant consequences for the Jewish
Richard Wagner once called the Jews the "plastic demon
of decomposition" and Theodor Mommsen meant the same
when he saw them as the "ferment of decomposition." In
contrast, the Aryan sees himself as a creative
creature. There may be a certain tragedy inherent in
the nature of the Jews, but it is our fault that this
race works destructively among the peoples and is a
constant danger to their domestic and international
The fundamental differences between the two races was
responsible for the repeated explosions during the
November years [1918-1933]. As long as the Jews remain
anonymous, they are secure. The moment they lose their
anonymity, the racial problem became acute and
required a suitable solution. We certainly do not hold
the Jews solely to blame for the German spiritual and
economic catastrophe. We all know the other causes
that led to the decline of our people. However, we
have the courage to recognize their role in the
process, and to name them by name.
It was difficult for a time to persuade the people of
this, for public opinion was entirely in Jewish hands.
On a Berlin stage run by the Jews, a steel helmet
bearing the words "Away with the filth!" was swept
into the dust heap. The Jew Gumbel said the dead of
the war had "fallen on the field of dishonor." The Jew
Lessing compared Hindenburg with the mass murderer
Haarmann. The Jew Toller said heroism was "the most
stupid ideal." The Jew Arnold Zweig spoke of the
German people as a "horde that needed to be unmasked,"
as the "animalistic power of the eternal Boche," and
as a "nation of newspaper readers, a herd of voters,
businessmen, murderers, marchers, operetta lovers, and
Is it surprising that the German Revolution also broke
this unbearable yoke? When one further considers the
alienation of German intellectual life by
International Jewry, its corruption of German justice
that finally led to the fact that only one out of
every five judges was German, the takeover of the
medical profession, their predominance among
university professors, in short, the fact that nearly
all intellectual professions were dominated by the
Jews, one has to grant that no people with any self
esteem could tolerate that for long. It was only an
act of national renewal when the National Socialist
revolution took action in this area.
People abroad often do not know the real causes of
German Jewish legislation. The statistics are most
Nonetheless, we held back at the beginning of our
work. We had more important things to do than to take
on a question of such great scope. It is entirely the
fault of Jewry that things turned out differently. The
boycott and atrocity propaganda they made in other
countries was an attempt by International Jewry to
accomplish by means of public opinion in other
countries what had been made impossible by our
takeover in Germany. They attempted to cause
difficulties for Germany's rebirth through a
world-wide boycott campaign, and to render it
We finally resorted to a counter-boycott during that
critical period. The fact that their racial comrades
still in Germany suffered loss is thanks to their
racial comrades beyond our borders, who were trying to
cause difficulties for us. They only caused economic
difficulties for their own race. We can predict the
future consequences for Jewry. We have not done
anything to encourage them, they are simply the
product of the times. Many clever Jews have already
realized what they have done, above all to those
remaining in Germany, who were the most directly
affected. They shouted their warnings. But they could
not overcome the radical wing, and in the end had to
let things take their course for better or worse. This
radical wing has delivered an extraordinarily hard
blow to World Jewry and its allies. They put the
Jewish Problem up for debate, and where it is debated
the results can only be unpleasant. Jewry's strength
is in its anonymity; if it loses that, the results can
only be harmful.
The recent Zionist Conference in Paris shows the
hopeless situation World Jewry has been driven into by
its radical wing. When one of the various Jewish
groups is no longer united, when there are only
fruitless debates, it is a sign that Jewish power is
on shaky ground. That is already beginning to have
consequences for Jewry.
These events reveal the racial problem in all its
difficulty. It will not fade away until Europe's
peoples solve it. It will be solved when the people
for their own good do what is necessary for their
Our country still faces a world boycott by
International Jewry, even if it is not as open as it
was earlier, and we are still threatened by a cleverly
thought out and systematically executed world
conspiracy. The fight against young Germany is a fight
by the second and third Internationales against our
authoritarian state. The countries that tolerate or
promote it, sometimes in the mistaken belief that they
are thus reducing troublesome German competition on
the world market, are bringing upon themselves and
their future a danger that we have overcome.
They can do what they want; Germany has overcome the
danger. It has taken radical steps to drive out
Bolshevism and its ideological content along with its
If our battle against anarchy results in the racial
problem becoming a world problem, that was not our
intention, but it is fine with us. The conspiracy
being forged against Germany will not lead to our
destruction, but it will inevitably open the eyes of
all the peoples of the world.
Let me in closing say a few words about the measures
we are taking against the world propaganda directed
against us. It is clear that such a major campaign
against Germany's peace and security cannot go
unanswered. World propaganda against us will be
answered with world propaganda for us.
We know what propaganda is, its power, and its ways
and means. We did not learn it in school, but became
its masters while doing practical work. Our untiring
educational campaign succeeded in uniting Catholics
and Protestants, farmers, the middle class and
workers, Bavarians and Prussians, into a unified
German people. We united the power of persuasion with
the power of the idea. We depended only on ourselves,
conquering the state with the power of faith and the
power of the word. Who cannot believe that we will
succeed in persuading the world of the integrity of
our actions? A calm presentation of our case may not
win love, but it will at least win growing respect.
The truth is always stronger than the lie.
The truth about Germany will get through to the other
nations, also in respect to the racial question. We
have done what is necessary, and therefore fulfilled
our duty. We do not need to fear the world's judgment.
The world is cordially invited to send its journalists
and representatives to Germany so that they can see
for themselves the courage and determination of the
government and people to remove the last remnants of
the war and the November revolt, and to introduce a
balance of power that will guarantee Germany a secure
existence, honor, and its daily bread. No one who sees
this nation at work can have doubts about its future.
The more foreigners visit us, the more friends young
Germany will win.
Our foreign situation today is identical to our
domestic situation when we began. Those who attended
our meetings then were struck by the crass contrast
between what the enemy newspapers wrote about us and
what we actually are. Visitors to Germany today have
the same experience. Their experiences will be the
beginning of respect. Any fair, thinking and objective
person, wherever he may come from, will find a people
and a government trying to overcome the difficulties
of the postwar period by its own strength, and who are
attacking the problems they face with hard, manly
pride. We need to show the world what we once showed
the other parties: We never lose our nerve.
Modesty, clarity, firmness, and decency are the
virtues that our kind of German thinking wants to see
in the world. There is nothing that is impossible.
That which seems impossible can be made possible by
the power of the spirit.
Germany will not founder on the racial question; to
the contrary, the future of our people depends on
solving it. As in so many other areas, here we also
shall be pathfinders for the world. Our revolution is
of enormous significance. We want it to find the key
to world history in the solution of the racial